'JUCHE VERSUS GLOBALIZATION
by Dermot Hudson JISGE chairman
The other day in the supermarket I came across something that symbolized a lot
about what is wrong with today's world a range of products entitled 'Global Style' in this case it was an 'American style cheese bagel'.
about what is wrong with today's world a range of products entitled 'Global Style' in this case it was an 'American style cheese bagel'.
Globalization is clearly a crazy idea.It really means trying to refashion the whole world after the West. It entails the destruction of local economies and local cultures. Imperialist imposed globalization will cause more unemployment,more hunger , more poverty, lower wages and more cutbacks in social services etc
Young people have taken up the struggle against capitalist and imperialist globalization so intensely.However this movement lacks leadership and a clear perspective on the alternative to 'globalization'.
The obvious solution to 'globalization' is to develop self -reliant, self -sufficient national economies serving national needs. But how is this to be done in todays complex. This is where the Juche idea comes in . The Korean people under the leadership of the WPK and the great leader comrade Kim Il Sung built up a powerful independent national economy according to the Juche idea which emphasises the independent and creative stand. The DPRK economy is able to produce to meet local needs . The Juche based independent socialist national economy of the DPRK shows that "another world is possible".
Below are 2 KCNA articles on the independent economy and self reliance:
Independent economy of Korea:
Pyongyang, March 12 (KCNA) --The independent national economy of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea has steadily developed in spite of the persistent economic sanctions and blockade of the United States and its allies. Korea's is an economy that develops on the basis on its efforts and resources to meet its people's demand and that serves the people for their happy life. It is also a comprehensive economy that produces by itself in the main industrial goods and agricultural products needed for economic construction, defence upbuilding and people's living.
The Korean people built a solid independent national economy in a short period after the Korean War and developed it as a powerful economy equipped with a consolidated economic structure and modern technologies through the fulfillment of several economic plans.
The abolition of taxation in 1974, the manufacture of such up-to-date machines as 10,000-t! on press and large-scale oxygen plant and the successful launch of satellite Kwangmyongsong No. 1 in August 1998 are results of the country's powerful economy.
Thanks to the national economy, the country's defence industry is capable of fully producing by itself sophisticated weapons and technical means and equipment necessary for the defence of the country.
With the independent national economy and a strong self-defence power based on it, the Korean people have defended socialism from the imperialists' military threat and aggressive moves.
The Korean economy has developed, unaffected by the imperialists' economic blockade and the changed situation of world economic markets.
Any kind of their economic sanctions and blockade can never work on Korea with its own solid economic foundations.
The Korean people built a solid independent national economy in a short period after the Korean War and developed it as a powerful economy equipped with a consolidated economic structure and modern technologies through the fulfillment of several economic plans.
The abolition of taxation in 1974, the manufacture of such up-to-date machines as 10,000-t! on press and large-scale oxygen plant and the successful launch of satellite Kwangmyongsong No. 1 in August 1998 are results of the country's powerful economy.
Thanks to the national economy, the country's defence industry is capable of fully producing by itself sophisticated weapons and technical means and equipment necessary for the defence of the country.
With the independent national economy and a strong self-defence power based on it, the Korean people have defended socialism from the imperialists' military threat and aggressive moves.
The Korean economy has developed, unaffected by the imperialists' economic blockade and the changed situation of world economic markets.
Any kind of their economic sanctions and blockade can never work on Korea with its own solid economic foundations.
Self-reliance, Korea's mode of struggle:
Pyongyang, March 17 (KCNA) -- Self-reliance is the Korean people's traditional mode of struggle. They have advanced victoriously, solving all problems with their own efforts and technology and under the motto of self-reliance in the whole course of the complicated and arduous revolutionary struggle.
Korean revolutionaries defeated the formidable Japanese imperialist aggressors and liberated the country, relying on the nation's revolutionary forces.
Inheriting the brilliant tradition established by them, Korean workers made tractors, lorries, bulldozers and excavators in the late 1950's though they lacked designs, technicians, materials and equipment.
In the early 1960's, they even made an electric locomotive with their own technology.
After the Korean War in the 1950s, the Korean people started the socialist industrialization from scratch and completed the histor! ic cause in a mater of 14 years.
Even in the periods of the "arduous march" and the forced march, they built many gigantic edifices, smashing the imperialists' intensified efforts to isolate and stifle the country.
They launched satellite Kwangmyongsong No. 1 in Juche 87 (1998) with their own efforts and technology, rezoned more than 200,000 hectares of arable land to suit the features of the socialist country and built large and modern salterns, motorways, waterways and factories in recent years.
All these achievements are products of self-reliance displayed by the Korean people in the era of the army-based revolution.
The Korean people, deeply aware through their historical experience that self-reliance is their only choice, will as ever seek to build a powerful and prosperous nation with their own efforts.
Korean revolutionaries defeated the formidable Japanese imperialist aggressors and liberated the country, relying on the nation's revolutionary forces.
Inheriting the brilliant tradition established by them, Korean workers made tractors, lorries, bulldozers and excavators in the late 1950's though they lacked designs, technicians, materials and equipment.
In the early 1960's, they even made an electric locomotive with their own technology.
After the Korean War in the 1950s, the Korean people started the socialist industrialization from scratch and completed the histor! ic cause in a mater of 14 years.
Even in the periods of the "arduous march" and the forced march, they built many gigantic edifices, smashing the imperialists' intensified efforts to isolate and stifle the country.
They launched satellite Kwangmyongsong No. 1 in Juche 87 (1998) with their own efforts and technology, rezoned more than 200,000 hectares of arable land to suit the features of the socialist country and built large and modern salterns, motorways, waterways and factories in recent years.
All these achievements are products of self-reliance displayed by the Korean people in the era of the army-based revolution.
The Korean people, deeply aware through their historical experience that self-reliance is their only choice, will as ever seek to build a powerful and prosperous nation with their own efforts.
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Thus Juche can make a vital theoretical and practical contribution to the anti globalization movement. Let the flag of Juche fly at the head of the anti globalization struggle.'
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The organic state is not the reflection of society; it is the agent that transforms and structures this society and which, by assigning it a destiny, makes a real whole elevated to the dignity of the politics from an aggregation without cohesion. - Alain de Benoist
« L’État organique n’est pas le reflet de la société ; il est l’agent qui transforme et structure cette société et qui, en lui assignant un destin, fait d’un agrégat sans cohésion un véritable ensemble élevé à la dignité du politique. »
Alain de Benoist
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The characteristic feature of the Spanish tragedy and the European tragedy is this: man has been disintegrated, uprooted, transformed into a number on the electoral roll and a number in the queue at the factory gate.
What this disintegrated man is crying out for is to feel the ground under his feet again, to be put in harmony once more with a collective destiny, a common destiny, or simply–calling things by their right names–with the destiny of his Patria.
- José Antonio Primo de Rivera
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Alain de Benoist on the depoliticization of the state:
Among the causes of what we habitually call the “malaise” of spirits, one of the most characteristic seems to be the progressive evacuation of the substance of the state. The state is depoliticized. Not in the sense of “everyday petty politics”, more present than ever. But in the sense of the political. The state is becoming purely managerial. Likewise, it puts itself in position to be overthrown by powers forming outside of it - and against it. The state denies it’s own essence, which is the principle of authority and sovereignty, in order to essentially concern itself with social and economic problems. But men don’t live solely for purchasing power. They live for something else entirely. We’ve never lived in such a rich society. Never has the quality of life of the many been so elevated. Never has education been so prevalent. Yet at the same time, malaise has never been greater, protest has never been so strong, unease has never reigned so much. The state has become prisoner of the “pleasure principle”: instead of appeasing demands, any satisfaction given to those who demand it only makes the demand more acute. It’s because the state itself has locked this demand in the social and economic enclosure. In the spiritual domain, the state no longer says anything, proposes anything, issues anything. It doesn’t sketch any destiny. I say that men, once they satisfy their elementary needs, aspire to the authority that justifies a project. As only a project can give meaning to their lives. But the state doesn’t give meaning. It doesn’t furnish reasons to live - just means to exist. (Nothing has value any more, but everything has a price). Since this role is no longer fulfilled by the state, sects, parties, pressure groups, think tanks try to fill it, in disorder and confusion. Expelled from its natural sphere, politics rises everywhere else.
Alain de Benoist, Les idées à l’endroit, 1979
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"Without the protection of a native government we were exposed to the poison of foreign ways. The national character was infected and the life of the nation was endangered. We had armed risings and political agitation. But we were not strong enough to put out the foreign power until the national consciousness was fully re-awakened."
Michael Collins
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Leisure is not, as many presume, a pause in work, marked off time; but rather according to its concept, limitless and indivisible, and the source of all sensible work. It is the prerequisite of all free thought, all free activity. Consequently, very few are capable of it, and most of those who have saved time do nothing other than kill it. Not everyone is born for a free occupation, otherwise the world would be ordered differently and would show another face. [...] The unemployed worker who doesn’t possess this faculty is not a cynic philosopher jumping for joy in front of his barrel when he learns that he’s no longer forced to work, and that, in addition, he receives an unemployment allowance from the state allowing him to buy his bread and leeks? Instead he languishes, because he doesn’t know what to do with the empty time that assails him. Not only does he not have any means to use it, but this time is also harmful to him. He loses courage and feels degraded because he no longer fulfills his purpose.
Friedrich Georg Jünger, The Perfection of Technology
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Continuation of the notes.
December 31, 1922
In my writings on the national question I have already said that an abstract presentation of the question of nationalism in general is of no use at all. A distinction must necessarily be made between the nationalism of an oppressor nation and that of an oppressed nation, the nationalism of a big nation and that of a small nation.
In respect of the second kind of nationalism we, nationals of a big nation, have nearly always been guilty, in historic practice, of an infinite number of cases of violence; furthermore, we commit violence and insult an infinite number of times without noticing it. It is sufficient to recall my Volga reminiscences of how non-Russians are treated; how the Poles are not called by any other name than Polyachiska, how the Tatar is nicknamed Prince, how the Ukrainians are always Khokhols and the Georgians and other Caucasian nationals always Kapkasians.
That is why internationalism on the part of oppressors or "great" nations, as they are called (though they are great only in their violence, only great as bullies), must consist not only in the observance of the formal equality of nations but even in an inequality of the oppressor nation, the great nation, that must make up for the inequality which obtains in actual practice. Anybody who does not understand this has not grasped the real proletarian attitude to the national question, he is still essentially petty bourgeois in his point of view and is, therefore, sure to descend to the bourgeois point of view.
What is important for the proletarian? For the proletarian it is not only important, it is absolutely essential that he should be assured that the non-Russians place the greatest possible trust in the proletarian class struggle. What is needed to ensure this? Not merely formal equality. In one way or another, by one's attitude or by concessions, it is necessary to compensate the non-Russian for the lack of trust, for the suspicion and the insults to which the government of the "dominant" nation subjected them in the past.
I think it is unnecessary to explain this to Bolsheviks, to Communists, in greater detail. And I think that in the present instance, as far as the Georgian nation is concerned, we have a typical case in which a genuinely proletarian attitude makes profound caution, thoughtfulness and a readiness to compromise a matter of necessity for us. The Georgian [Stalin]who is neglectful of this aspect of the question, or who carelessly flings about accusations of "nationalist-socialism" (whereas he himself is a real and true "nationalist-socialist", and even a vulgar Great-Russian bully), violates, in substance, the interests of proletarian class solidarity, for nothing holds up the development and strengthening of proletarian class solidarity so much as national injustice; "offended" nationals are not sensitive to anything so much as to the feeling of equality and the violation of this equality, if only through negligence or jest- to the violation of that equality by their proletarian comrades. That is why in this case it is better to over-do rather than under-do the concessions and leniency towards the national minorities. That is why, in this case, the fundamental interest of proletarian class struggle, requires that we never adopt a formal attitude to the national question, but always take into account the specific attitude of the proletarian of the oppressed (or small) nation towards the oppressor (or great) nation.
Lenin
Taken down by M.V.
December 31, 1922
His final testament has a lot of hard crit on stalin. It's the single source trotskyites use to discredit him. But....this is not my intent, obviously, stalin proved right on many things, but also, nobody is free from criticism. My interest is to rephrase the national question in regards to smaller, bullied nations, and their proletarian relationship to various forms of nationalism.
December 31, 1922
In my writings on the national question I have already said that an abstract presentation of the question of nationalism in general is of no use at all. A distinction must necessarily be made between the nationalism of an oppressor nation and that of an oppressed nation, the nationalism of a big nation and that of a small nation.
In respect of the second kind of nationalism we, nationals of a big nation, have nearly always been guilty, in historic practice, of an infinite number of cases of violence; furthermore, we commit violence and insult an infinite number of times without noticing it. It is sufficient to recall my Volga reminiscences of how non-Russians are treated; how the Poles are not called by any other name than Polyachiska, how the Tatar is nicknamed Prince, how the Ukrainians are always Khokhols and the Georgians and other Caucasian nationals always Kapkasians.
That is why internationalism on the part of oppressors or "great" nations, as they are called (though they are great only in their violence, only great as bullies), must consist not only in the observance of the formal equality of nations but even in an inequality of the oppressor nation, the great nation, that must make up for the inequality which obtains in actual practice. Anybody who does not understand this has not grasped the real proletarian attitude to the national question, he is still essentially petty bourgeois in his point of view and is, therefore, sure to descend to the bourgeois point of view.
What is important for the proletarian? For the proletarian it is not only important, it is absolutely essential that he should be assured that the non-Russians place the greatest possible trust in the proletarian class struggle. What is needed to ensure this? Not merely formal equality. In one way or another, by one's attitude or by concessions, it is necessary to compensate the non-Russian for the lack of trust, for the suspicion and the insults to which the government of the "dominant" nation subjected them in the past.
I think it is unnecessary to explain this to Bolsheviks, to Communists, in greater detail. And I think that in the present instance, as far as the Georgian nation is concerned, we have a typical case in which a genuinely proletarian attitude makes profound caution, thoughtfulness and a readiness to compromise a matter of necessity for us. The Georgian [Stalin]who is neglectful of this aspect of the question, or who carelessly flings about accusations of "nationalist-socialism" (whereas he himself is a real and true "nationalist-socialist", and even a vulgar Great-Russian bully), violates, in substance, the interests of proletarian class solidarity, for nothing holds up the development and strengthening of proletarian class solidarity so much as national injustice; "offended" nationals are not sensitive to anything so much as to the feeling of equality and the violation of this equality, if only through negligence or jest- to the violation of that equality by their proletarian comrades. That is why in this case it is better to over-do rather than under-do the concessions and leniency towards the national minorities. That is why, in this case, the fundamental interest of proletarian class struggle, requires that we never adopt a formal attitude to the national question, but always take into account the specific attitude of the proletarian of the oppressed (or small) nation towards the oppressor (or great) nation.
Lenin
Taken down by M.V.
December 31, 1922
His final testament has a lot of hard crit on stalin. It's the single source trotskyites use to discredit him. But....this is not my intent, obviously, stalin proved right on many things, but also, nobody is free from criticism. My interest is to rephrase the national question in regards to smaller, bullied nations, and their proletarian relationship to various forms of nationalism.
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It seems to me that these flourishing sexual theories which are mainly hypothetical, and often quite arbitrary hypotheses, arise from the personal need to justify personal abnormality or hypertrophy in sexual life before bourgeois morality, and to entreat its patience.
Lenin
Lenin
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